The suit argues the city is “punishing residents who have nowhere to go” in violation of the Eighth Amendment of the US Constitution, which prohibits cruel and unusual punishment. The argument draws on the Ninth Circuit’s 2019 decision in the Martin v. Boise case, which found that people who are homeless can’t be penalized for sleeping on public property, if there is no alternative offered.

The suit also alleges violations of the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unreasonable searches and seizures, and the 14th Amendment’s due process requirement.

“They would come out at, like, four in the morning, five in the morning. Usually when you’re in the dead of sleep and it’s very, very cold,” said Toro Castaño, 51, one of the plaintiffs in the suit. He was living on the streets of the Castro for two years, until the fall of 2021. “It was very traumatic because it’s very cold outside and a lot of things they’re taking are warm clothes, warm jackets, blankets, things that you need just to survive.”

Castaño had his belongings taken from him by the city four times during the pandemic, according to the complaint, and settled a claim against the city for $9,000 after his property was destroyed. He now lives in a co-op in the city.

While Castaño was unhoused, he said he was asked to move nearly every day. “It makes you very sleep-deprived, makes it difficult to make decisions, to make appointments, to try to look for work or try to look for jobs — basically to function,” he said.

Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, said the goal of the lawsuit is to stop sweeps, which she said only perpetuate homelessness. “When the city takes folks’ IDs, their cellphones, the things that they need in order to really navigate a very complicated route off the streets, that ends up extending their homelessness,” she said, explaining that people can lose contact with social service providers and miss out on housing opportunities. “What we hear from folks again and again is they feel like they’re starting from scratch.”

She argues the city’s enforcement resources would be better spent on housing and treatment programs. “It’s in everyone’s interest to really, truly invest in the permanent solutions we need to solve homelessness,” she said.

The suit names the city and county of San Francisco; Major London Breed; Director of the Healthy Streets Operation Center Sam Dodge; and several city departments as defendants.

Jen Kwart, director of communications for the city attorney’s office, said in a statement, “The City is acutely focused on expanding our temporary shelter and permanent housing options to alleviate our homelessness crisis. Once we are served with the lawsuit, we will review the complain and respond in court.”

The city’s latest point-in-time count found a total of about 7,700 people living on the streets or in shelters, a 3.5% decrease since 2019. But, Latinx homelessness spiked 55% and Black people continue to be overrepresented among the unhoused, at 38% of the total homeless population compared to 6% of the general population.

Based on the new count, officials now estimate that as many as 20,000 people experience homelessness in a full year.

From 2015 to 2022, the city built just 2,067 units of very-low-income housing, just a third of its goal, while far exceeding its goal for market rate housing, according to the city’s 2020 housing inventory.

Emily Cohen, deputy director of communications for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, points out that since 2017, the city has nearly doubled the number of housing units dedicated to people leaving homelessness.

The lawyers for the plaintiffs have filed a motion for a preliminary injunction, asking the court to ban the city from conducting sweeps or otherwise enforcing ordinances that punish sleeping on public property while the suit proceeds.

Castaño said he hopes the suit leads to more affordable housing and better conditions for people experiencing homelessness. “I’m hoping that people on the street will be protected a little more, that the things won’t be taken that they used to survive and to stay warm,” he said. “And there’s a little more compassion.”

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Late yesterday, the Coalition on Homelessness and seven individual plaintiffs filed suit against the City and County of San Francisco and Mayor London Breed for their efforts to criminalize homelessness through an array of brutal policing practices that violate the constitutional rights of unhoused San Franciscans. The plaintiffs are also seeking a preliminary injunction to stop these practices on an emergency basis. Plaintiffs are represented by the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area and the ACLU Foundation of Northern California, as well as the global law firm Latham & Watkins LLP.

For years, San Francisco has claimed that it is taking steps to address the City’s homelessness crisis. But in fact, the City is forcing unhoused people out of sight—destroying their survival belongings and citing and arresting them for sleeping in public when they have no shelter to go to. San Francisco has more laws penalizing homelessness than any other place in California, and possibly America. These regressive mass incarceration era policies only perpetuate San Francisco’s homelessness crisis and scapegoat unhoused people for the City’s egregious failure to support affordable housing for San Francisco residents.

San Francisco lacks—and has always lacked—adequate affordable housing and shelter for thousands of unhoused San Franciscans. San Francisco’s threats, citations, arrests, and removal of unhoused residents from public spaces therefore violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment. The City is also engaged in a practice of illegally seizing and destroying the personal belongings of unhoused residents in violation of the Fourth Amendment. These practices help San Francisco claim that it is solving the homelessness crisis—when it has actually just swept it under the rug.

San Francisco’s homelessness crisis is one of unaffordability. When longstanding residents can no longer afford to stay in their homes, they are forced out onto the street. San Francisco’s politicians have understood this for years, but they have failed to act. Instead, the City has consistently relied on tough-on-crime policies to respond to homelessness instead of addressing the root cause of the problem: the clear lack of permanent affordable housing.

This is immoral, cruel, costly, and ultimately counterproductive—not to mention unconstitutional. The City knows this because it constantly violates its own policies that purport to require a humane, services-first approach to the homelessness crisis. The reality is that unhoused San Franciscans wake up to find their survival belongings seized and destroyed as they face criminal penalties for sleeping outside even though the city has little to nothing to offer San Francisco’s unhoused residents in terms of shelter, housing, and services. This lawsuit combines massive amounts of public data with eyewitness accounts to expose the City’s unlawful conduct, which makes it almost impossible for the thousands of affected San Franciscans to exit homelessness.

Those experiencing homelessness in San Francisco are disproportionately people of color due to decades of discrimination in housing, education, healthcare and the criminal justice system. Today, for example, Black people comprise 6% of San Francisco’s general population but make up 37% of the City’s unhoused population. Black renters in San Francisco still face some of the worst housing discrimination anywhere in the country. That targeted exclusion has only exacerbated the homelessness crisis for people of color.

San Franciscans deserve real solutions to homelessness. That starts and ends with the City actually investing in affordable housing. This lawsuit seeks to hold the City to account for its unconstitutional attack on unhoused San Franciscans. The City cannot punish unhoused people for a housing crisis it created.

Client statements:

Plaintiff Nathaniel Vaughn, a life-long San Franciscan who recently became unhoused, reflects: “We do not deserve to be treated like criminals and to have our belongings thrown in the trash when we are at our most vulnerable.”

Plaintiff Toro Castaño notes the impact this has on unhoused people: “The City’s sweeps [are] a dehumanizing disruption to the small ounce of stability that I was trying to build for myself during one of the hardest times of my life.”

Plaintiff Sarah Cronk says the same: “We are just trying to scrape by and build as much of a life for ourselves as possible—with both dignity and safety. The City makes that impossible for us.”

Jennifer Friedenbach, Executive Director of the Coalition on Homelessness: “San Francisco’s homelessness crisis is its affordable housing crisis. Instead of investing in permanent affordable housing, the city has spent millions of dollars to rid our neighborhoods of visible signs of homelessness. Punitive approaches make homelessness worse, as it only makes it harder for people to access already limited services, find employment and secure stable housing.”

Attorney statements:

“The City is using unhoused residents as the scapegoats for a crisis of economic and racial justice that it helped to create. San Francisco should fight to end homelessness. But the only real solution to San Francisco’s homelessness crisis is housing. Instead of solving homelessness, the City has invested in carceral policies that make the crisis worse. That’s not only unconstitutional, it’s also just bad policy. We should expect better far better from our political leaders.” – Zal Shroff, Senior Staff Attorney, Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the Bay Area

“Racism is embedded in the criminalization of homelessness in San Francisco as people of color are disproportionately targeted by anti-homeless ordinances. The current system is complaint-driven, allowing housed residents to dictate traumatizing enforcement against unhoused people who attempt to live in whiter, gentrifying neighborhoods. This suggests that the City is doing more to appear wealthy homeowners than it is to support the health and wellbeing of the most vulnerable with real opportunities out of homelessness. Through the lawsuit, we aim to lay bare the City’s illusory shelter options and end the racist results that criminalization produces.” – John Do, Senior Staff Attorney, ACLU of Northern California

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The archbishop of San Francisco said Friday that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who is Catholic, can no longer receive the sacrament of communion because she has declined to back down from her push for abortion access.

Archbishop Salvatore J. Cordileone wrote in a public post Friday that his “many requests” have not been accepted to speak with Pelosi, who is from San Francisco, since she vowed to keep Roe v. calf. The archbishop said he communicated to Pelosi on April 7 that, she should not publicly repudiate her “advocacy for abortion ‘rights” or refrain from referring to her faith in public, he would have no choice but to deny her communion. The archbishop’s reprimand is the latest development in political and religious debate as some leaders in the Catholic Church speak out against Catholic politicians who support abortion.

The archbishop referred to the Catholic Church’s Cannon 915, which says that, “Those who have been excommunicated or interdicted after the imposition or declaration of the penalty and others obstinately persevering in manifest grave sin are not to be admitted to holy communion.” The Chatecism of the Catholic Church is against abortion.

“As you have not publicly repudiated your position on abortion, and continue to refer to your Catholic faith in justifying your position and to receive Holy Communion, that time has now come,” the archbishop wrote. “Therefore, in light of my responsibility as the Archbishop of San Francisco to be ‘concerned for all the Christian faithful entrusted to [my] care’ … by means of this communication I am hereby notifying you that you are not to present yourself for Holy Communion and, should you do so, you are not to be admitted to Holy Communion, until such time as you publicly repudiate your advocacy for the legitimacy of abortion and confess and receive absolution of this grave sin in the sacrament of Penance.”

US Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi speaks in front of the steps to the House of Representatives with congressional members to speak on the Roe v. Wade issue May 13, 2022 in Washington, DC.

Win McNamee/Getty Images

The archbishop simplified his position in a follow-up tweet: “After numerous attempts to speak with Speaker Pelosi to help her understand the grave evil she is perpetrating, the scandal she is causing, an the danger to her own soul she is risking, I have determined that she is not to be admitted to Holy Communion,” he wrote.

The archbishop’s public post comes as the leaked Supreme Court draft opinion that would overturn Roe v. Wade sparked renewed attention over the abortion debate, and a flurry of proposed laws both from those who support and oppose abortion.

But Pelosi isn’t the first politician to be reprimanded by those in the Catholic Church over abortion — bishops have debated whether President Biden, who is also Catholic, should receive communion as well. Pope Francis last year said he has never denied anyone communion, and encouraged Catholic leaders to avoid aligning themselves with politics.

Ultimately, in November 2021, the US Conference of Catholic Bishops voted to approve a document that fell short of refusing communion to Mr. Biden or others who advocate for widespread abortion access.

Rebecca Kaplan contributed to this report

The Battle Over Abortion

More More Kathryn Watson

Kathryn Watson is a politics reporter for CBS News Digital based in Washington, DC

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With one foot wrapped in a protective boot and “No uterus, no opinion” written across her upper body in red, Isabella Percy strolled slowly but surely through downtown San Francisco on Saturday to a rough soundtrack of drum beats and chants.

And the 17 year old wasn’t happy.

Women “shouldn’t be oppressed like we are. It’s not okay and it has to change, ”she said. “It’s 2021. It’s a modern time and we need that from our government.”

As one of hundreds of people who participated in a march from City Hall to Embarcadero, she was also among the tens of thousands of people campaigning for reproductive rights across the country a month after the US Supreme Court passed the strictest anti-abortion law in the country Nation had confirmed. The controversial ruling by the conservative court made abortion virtually impossible in Texas, banning the procedure six weeks after conception before most women know they are pregnant.

The Supreme Court is also due to review a restrictive Mississippi bill that many legal scholars predict could lead to the repeal of Roe vs. Wade and federal abortion law, allowing states to pass a patchwork of abortion laws that marginalize Meeting women is the hardest.

Protesters, including Isabella Percy, who carry a sign that reads “If you can’t have a period … shut up on my body,” gather for the reproductive rights march in San Francisco.

Clara Mokri / Special on The Chronicle

“We need to emerge for our communities in Texas, the black and brown people who are affected and the marginalized people who are affected,” said Sophia Andary, co-founder of Women’s March San Francisco and one of the main organizers of the event on Saturday.

At least 16 marches and rallies were scheduled across the Bay Area and the Sacramento region that weekend, and more than 600 across the country. In San Francisco, the participants varied according to age, race and gender – and the mood was split between fear of the future and solidarity in the present.

“It’s crazy that we’re still fighting for the rights of our own bodies,” said Harmony Vonstockhausen, a third-year student at San Francisco State University. “It’s crazy that government can still have that effect on women.”

This was the first march from Vonstockhausen. She and a friend carried signs that read, “Texas will not force a twelve-year-old to wear a mask, but she will force her to have a baby,” and “Que ser madre sea una decisión y no una obligación,” which translates to : “Being a mother is a choice, not an obligation.”

Lisa Zimmer-Chu, of Oakland, said the march went back to January 2017 when more than 3 million people flocked to the streets for women’s marches across the country protesting President Donald Trump’s inauguration. Zimmer-Chu’s daughter had just come out as trans at the time, which motivated her to take part in her first protest at the time.

“There is definitely a parallel between treating women, the earth, and treating other groups who had no voice,” she said. “I’m crazy as hell.”

“It’s about raising young people to have hope,” added her friend Louise Chegwidden. “I’m here for you.”

Others, especially younger participants, expressed anger and concern that public excitement would not be enough to overcome a simple math: the nine-member Supreme Court has appointed six Conservative judges, including three from Trump.

Protesters gather outside San Francisco City Hall to mark the start of the march for reproductive rights. Rallies are scheduled across the country this weekend, a month after the US Supreme Court upheld the nation’s strictest anti-abortion law, enacted by Texas.

Clara Mokri / Special on The Chronicle

President Biden’s administration is petitioning a federal court for an injunction against Texas law, and California Attorney General Rob Bonta is one of two dozen attorneys general who are petitioning the Supreme Court to maintain Roe, who is nearly half a century old.

Despite continued pressure from conservative governors and lawmakers to restrict access to abortion, 59% of American adults say abortions should be legal in all or most of the cases, a recent poll by the Pew Research Center found.

According to the UCSF’s Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health program, the vast majority of women who have an abortion have no regrets. Instead, research shows that denying an abortion can have negative consequences for the health and economic situation of women, “while an abortion does not lead to negative psychological or physical health outcomes in the future”.

A survey published in December found that women with lower incomes and abortion barriers were more likely to try to terminate unwanted pregnancies on their own.

Isabella Percy, 17, wears a message on her torso at the March for Reproductive Rights in San Francisco.

Clara Mokri / Special on The Chronicle

After the Texas ban went into effect, abortion providers in Oklahoma and Kansas reported an influx of inquiries from pregnant women in the state. Carole Joffe, professor of obstetrics, gynecology and reproductive science at UCSF, said California should – and is – willing to do the same, especially if more states follow Texas’ lead.

“California will play a very, very important role” in protecting reproductive rights, she told The Chronicle on Friday. “California really is a template for how sensible abortion care should be administered.”

But even in a state with some of the strongest reproductive rights in the country, abortion is not equally accessible to all who aspire to it.

Protesters sing during the reproductive rights march in San Francisco.

Clara Mokri / Special on The Chronicle

Jessica Pinckney, executive director of Access Reproductive Justice, one of the organizers of the march on Saturday, said low-income and historically marginalized women can find it incredibly difficult to get through here for several reasons, including the need for financial aid and childcare , Transportation and leisure.

If even some Californians have difficulty accessing abortion treatment, how difficult is it for low-income women who have to travel across state lines to get the procedure?

“It’s really upsetting to think about what’s going on in Texas, given how difficult it can be even here at times,” said Pinckney.

Danielle Echeverria is a contributor to the San Francisco Chronicle. Email: danielle.echeverria@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @DanielleEchev

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On Monday, the United States Supreme Court announced that the courts will have to deal with our Pakdel v. San Francisco City and County case, which is challenging a San Francisco ordinance requiring landowners to grant tenants lifetime leases. The court found that they removed the barriers to bringing property rights cases to federal courts.

In 2009, Peyman Pakdel and his wife bought an apartment in San Francisco with the intent of making it their future home when they were ready to retire. The apartment was one of six units carved out of a former house, and all six owners had the title of “shared tenants”. Unlike some other owners, the couple decided to rent out their apartment until it was time for them to retire and make it their home.

When the Pakdels bought the unit, they along with the other owners agreed to convert the building into a condominium as soon as possible. But the Pakdels lost the ability to live in their own home because the city passed an ordinance that only allowed condominium conversion if owners offered a lifetime lease to each existing tenant renting the property.

Thanks to the new ordinance, the Pakdels’ much younger tenant could choose to stay for life, effectively stripping them of the couple’s property without compensation, in violation of the Fifth Amendment, and ruining their dreams of retirement.

The Ninth District had ruled that the Pakdels could not even challenge the law in court for failing to appeal the order in the Rube Goldberg-style process preferred by the city of San Francisco. Strangely enough, this process no longer exists

The recent Supreme Court ruling is a huge win for property owners and builds on the previous victory by the Pacific Legal Foundation in Knick against the Township of Scott, Pennsylvania, which removed hurdles that made it nearly impossible to bring property claims in federal court do.

Prior to the 2019 Knick ruling, the Supreme Court held the Williamson County Regional Planning Comm’n v. Hamilton Bank of Johnson City set a precedent generally forbidding landowners from getting their day in federal court unless they first exhausted all other state remedies.

The Williamson County’s ruling stated that “a property owner whose property has been taken over by a local government has not suffered a violation of his rights under the Fifth Amendment – and therefore cannot bring a federal lawsuit in federal court – until a state court dismissed his claim Has”. for fair compensation under state law. “

In essence, Williamson County granted other constitutional rights property rights “second class status”.

But the Knick case, which raised the question of whether Rose Knick could bring her property rights case to federal court without a year-long ordeal of jumping through state courts, reversed Williamson County. Knick also restored the importance of property rights, reiterating that these guarantees were equally important for all other constitutional rights.

Pakdel specified and expanded the kink. The court said: “Given that the Fifth Amendment enjoys’ full constitutional status’, the Ninth District had no basis to classify petitioners’ entitlement to ‘poor relative status’ under the provisions of the Bill of Rights.”

This is not the only recent Fifth Amendment win for PLF. The court also recommended the lower courts to consider the Pakdels’ claims in light of last week’s victory in our Cedar Point Nursery v Hassid case, where the right to exclusion is a fundamental characteristic of property and that the government cannot do that right without compensation path.

It seems that the Court is paying close attention to our property rights cases.

The Pakdel report unceremoniously reversed the ninth circle on the matter without additional briefing or oral argument. It was issued “per curiam”, an unsigned statement on behalf of all judges. This is a rarely used practice and sometimes controversial as the court does not say when it is used and the parties have no further opportunity to submit pleadings or argue. The opinion included a “Grant, Release and Investigation Order” (GVR) ordering the Ninth Ward to overturn its previous decision to continue the Pakdels’ case and examine the merits of their case in light of Cedar Point.

In our petition asking the Supreme Court to hear our case, the court was specifically asked to issue a summary order because the Ninth Ward’s decision was so blatantly at odds with Knick. The summary order of the court achieved exactly this result.

Property rights are one of the most important constitutional rights we have, but since the New Deal the courts have limited their protection.

Fortunately, the Knick ruling has raised the standard when it comes to giving property owners access to federal courts to protect their property, Cedar Point reaffirmed the importance of the right of exclusion, and the Pakdel statement extends the protection of the fifth amendment even further.

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The San Francisco Human Rights Commission (HRC) is accepting proposals for “The Dream Keeper Initiative” – formally known as the City Reallocation Fund – under which $120 million from the San Francisco Police Department and Sheriff’s Office budgets is being redirected to nonprofits that serve the Black community.

“We know that to actually see true lasting change we need to focus on helping entire families, from early education for kids, to job training and workforce support for their parents, and serve communities that have been systematically harmed by past policies,” said Mayor London Breed.

Half the cash, $60 million, will be spent over the next two years. “Whether the money will be spent this fiscal year or this calendar year will vary depending on when funds are released. They might run over fiscal and calendar years. For instance, grants starting before June 20, 2021 will mostly likely cross over into 2022,” said Sheryl Davis, San Francisco Human Rights Commission executive director.  

Roughly $15 million will be spent to promote community health and well-being, through restorative justice, food security, and Black home ownership programs. Another $7 million will be used to create a guaranteed income program.  Six and a half million dollars will be dedicated to tracking expenditure outcomes and impacts.  Six million dollars will go to Office of Economic and Workforce Development (OEWD) training and development programs for youth and adults, supporting preparation program stipends, higher education financial incentives, and arts opportunities. 

Five million dollars will be spent to increase municipal employee diversity, by improving human resources infrastructure to expand Black participation in civil service jobs, particularly in underrepresented roles. Programs that support families and address youth academic and social-emotional learning needs within a cultural and racial equity context will receive $3.6 million, to pay for literacy and early education programs and family engagement, offering families resources, workshops, and access to services. 

Three million dollars will be spent to support Black-owned small businesses and entrepreneurs, with business development, technical assistance, and anti-displacement services. Art and cultural nonprofits in low-income and Black communities will be provided $2.1 million, to help Black-led and Black-serving creatives – theater companies, artists, and artist collaboratives – build the organizational capacity needed to compete for grants. Two million dollars will be spent to create culturally affirming spaces; commercial corridors in historical Black neighborhoods and incubation hubs for small businesses and community groups, where Black cultural events can be held. 

“We are working with several partners and academic institutions to do evaluations and case studies on this project,” Davis said.  She added that the community stressed the need to be able to pilot new ideas and learn from failures.

The first funding round, $687,500, will go to organizations that serve the Black trans community. OEWD will distribute another roughly $250,000 to organizations that assist Black-owned small businesses and entrepreneurship. 

African Americans who have been virtually meeting – including Black San Franciscans, municipal workers, those with historical ties to the City, and individuals who own, operate, or work at businesses in San Francisco – have proposed that funding be allocated to Black theater groups that stage productions that inspire and unite the Black community. Organized under African American Theatre Alliance for Independence, the African American Shakespeare Company, PUSH Dance company, AfroSolo Theater, Cultural Odyssey, and SF Recovery Theater want support for such productions as “Don’t Drop Dead On Stage: A Musician and Performing Artist Survival Guide,” conducted by composer, musician, and arts business specialist Idris Ackamoor; and “Mask Up: We Wear Masks to Save Our Lives,” an online feature by AfroSolo to be presented on Facebook and Instagram. 

The second round of grants will focus on programs which address public safety, provide mental health services, and support youth, seniors, and formerly incarcerated individuals.

“Shortly after that, there will be a call for proposals from organizations that promote home ownership, early education, and provide opportunities for family engagement. It is exciting to see organizations receive funding as folks come together and continue community meetings,” said Davis.

District 10 Supervisor Shamann Walton, who serves as Board of Supervisors president, said he and Mayor Breed want Black-led organizations to dictate how resources are distributed from the City Reallocation Fund.

“I consider this to be our first step toward reparations. We are looking at this through a lens of equity. The funding is providing resources for people to thrive and see positive outcomes,” said Walton. “We have to work together to make sure the outcomes are real and are acknowledged.”  

Through online conversations, African Americans defined funding categories and a grant schedule. Meetings were held in June and July, and at least once weekly between September and November, hosted by the Human Rights Commission. Occasionally, San Francisco Police Department officers participated in the gatherings, as Black community members or to listen to concerns about law enforcement practices. 

Sergeant Michael Andraychak, SFPD public information officer, said recommendations from the Alternatives to Policing Steering Committee, a group formed by Mayor Breed last fall, were designed with community involvement in mind rather than from a law enforcement perspective. 

“The Department’s participation thus far involves providing historical background, interpreting police data, and public safety concerns. This group is very enthusiastic about creating a system that would address calls for services which had been traditionally handled by the police.  The approach is a holistic one, looking at socioeconomic issues, equity and inclusion, law reforms, housing, underserved communities, and systems of care already in place, among other challenges,” said Andraychak. 

Nancy Crowley, San Francisco Sheriff’s Office communications specialist and media spokesperson, said her agency is committed to the City’s Racial and Social Equity Action Plan, which mandates that municipal expenditures be driven by equitable outcomes and accountability. SFSO has developed its own plan, Sheriff’s Alliance for Equity, which calls for advancing equity by reducing racial and ethnic-based disparities in SFSO’s activities. 

Phelicia Jones, founder of Wealth and Disparities in the Black Community, a grassroots organization that advocates for police accountability and reform, wants more resources to be dedicated to the Black community. 

“One hundred and twenty million dollars spread out over two years, during a pandemic, is not going to create equity for all the disparities Black San Franciscans are suffering and have suffered in the past. The concerns that the Black community faces are long-term hardships. This is a work in progress,” said Jones. “They have known that Black folks have been concerned about these problems for decades. We want to see changes in how SFPD and SFSO do their jobs as soon as possible. A number of departments, including the Department of Public Health, Department of Children, Youth, and Their Families, and the Human Services Agency, have not done a good job of being equitable to the Black community. They have failed to provide adequate services for Black San Franciscans. Funding community organizations that can provide necessary services is appropriate.”  

Melissa Hernandez, a member of the No New SF Jail Coalition, roughly 25 San Franciscans who want less policing and closure of the San Francisco County Jail, wants grants to be directed to help people with criminal convictions find housing and jobs. 

“Right now, the jail is a hotbed for infection. The goal is to help people receive re-entry services that are meaningful and help them stay out,” said Hernandez.

“We borrowed against reserves to provide cash grants for shelter, food, and necessities for members of the Black trans community,” said Aria Sa’id, co-founder and executive director of The Transgender District, a nonprofit that serves the Tenderloin. “We are currently working to provide financial assistance, cultural programming, and funding for entrepreneurship and development among members of the Black trans community.”

The Human Rights Commission provided The Transgender District with funding in 2020. Over the next three years The Transgender District wants to establish a shower program, offer free laundry facilities, and create a wellness center on Sixth Street.

Participating in the HRC-hosted meetings helped Sa’id realize that the Black community is supportive of trans people. “It has been endearing and heartening to see Black women who do not identify as trans stand in solidarity with us. There have been so many people who have spoken out for us, offered financial support, and shown themselves to be allies and advocates. I was apprehensive at first. Going to the meetings has shown me that we are in this together,” said Sa’id. 

Tuquan Harrison, HRC LGBTQI+ advisor, who oversees implementation of policies and funding to support the City’s LGBTQI+ community, said The Transgender District was one of several Black trans-led and serving organizations that HRC supported. 

“The HRC also provided TGI Justice Project and several other organizations with funding, with about $200,000 going to support the Black transgender community and transgender communities of color in San Francisco. These organizations are doing so much to help people remain housed during the pandemic and disperse funds in an equitable manner that the City is learning from them,” said Harrison.

“They can’t fall back on “business as usual” practices,” said Geoffrey Grier, director of SF Recovery Theater, a grassroots organization of actors that stage productions that encourage salvation and hope. “There is the COVID-19 pandemic, but the Black community has been in a social pandemic. Individuals and neighborhoods are suffering because of racism and injustice. Changes need to come now.” 

Grier, who has trained SFPD officers in crisis intervention, said law enforcement agencies prefer to conduct in-house exercises. “To do a fair training, you need to have a neutral third party. The unwillingness to have outside and community input has worked to their detriment. After all these years, we find ourselves here, with George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and other Black people killed by law enforcement officers,” said Grier.

Ebon Glenn, director of operations for the San Francisco African American Arts and Culture District (SFAAACD), is pleased that the Black community is brainstorming how to utilize resources, particularly as dedicated to the arts, which “…is self-expression. It’s a way to be able to be heard and in some instances, to have your statement be immortalized on a mural or through a poem that could be a historical document. The arts allow the expression of positivity, unity, and togetherness, that drafting of a positive narrative.” 

 SFAAACD, which has created murals and banners in Bayview, doesn’t intend to apply to the City Reallocation Fund. It receives monies from the Transient Occupancy Tax. Glenn, who participated in the HRC-hosted meetings, said he hopes arts organizations will create work that’s culturally competent, accurately represents the Black community’s history and ethos; intentional, and share significant Black social and historical events. 

“If you put the money in the hands of the right organizations, we could see those dollars go directly to work, funding artists to beautify our neighborhoods, nonprofits that organize youth talent shows, and more,” said Glenn. 

Edward Hatter, Potrero Hill Neighborhood House executive director, wants funds to be used to hire counselors and therapists of color to speak to low-income youth. 

“There has been violence, a lot of shootings during the pandemic. Almost all of the referrals have been to white counselors. Young people clam up when encouraged to talk to someone who doesn’t look like them and doesn’t have training in how to talk to them,” said Hatter.

The number of homicides in San Francisco has risen over the past two years, from 41 in 2019 to 47 in 2020, though in Bayview-Hunters Point the number declined from 14 to 13 over the period. According to the California Partnership for Safe Communities, a violence prevention organization that closely examined all 162 homicides in San Francisco from January 2017 to June 2020, the key to reducing street violence is to “focus on and invest” in a small number of “groups” that have committed the majority of homicides and shootings over the last 3.5 years. 

Hatter said that having many types of services in one location, as offered at Potrero Block X, in the Annex-Terrace housing complex, isn’t helping residents.

“Even during the pandemic, having all the services right where you live is contributing to that “8-block syndrome.” People are not being motivated to unlock themselves from a tight radius. This becomes crippling,” said Hatter. 

“On-site services are a safeguard against displacement, as they provide residents with access to services they need while reducing challenging barriers such as transportation, time and cost,” retorted Damon Harris, vice president of community development for Bridge Housing, which manages Potrero Block X. 

Delia Fitzpatrick, program liaison for Our Kids First, an afterschool program offered at Longfellow Elementary, Guadalupe Elementary, and Denman Middle schools, believes that mental health services for youth will help the Black community as a whole. 

“Strong personal connections help children of color throughout their lives. Counselors and social-emotional training is important, especially during the pandemic. The children can’t play, hug, and talk face to face with people outside their household right now,” said Fitzpatrick.

Fitzpatrick said having online HRC meetings made it easier for her and other childcare professionals to join the larger conversation. “Before the pandemic, it was hard to get Downtown. I had to deal with parking, traffic, and public transportation issues. I needed so much time to get to a meeting, but I was also often needed onsite. With a virtual meeting, I can take time to be a part of the conversation and be visible,” said Fitzpatrick.

Felisia Thibodeaux, executive director of the Southwest Community Corporation, a nonprofit located at 446 Randolph Street which serves older adults and persons living with access and functional needs – concerns obtaining goods and services – in Lakeview-Ocean View, Merced Heights, and Ingleside said funding is needed for outreach to seniors who may be isolated.

“The Black community has been severely affected by racism. The time is now for funding to be directed to communities serving Black seniors and Black-led organizations in marginalized communities,” said Thibodeaux.

Southwest Community Corporation conducts wellness checks in person and by phone. “When we call, they say they are okay. When they open the door, we see what we couldn’t hear over the phone. Our seniors are disheveled and not eating well. They appreciate a conversation and additional resources, such as fresh fruits and vegetables, hygiene and cleaning supplies, and adult diapers. Since the pandemic began, we increased the number of seniors we serve from 40 to close to 200, based on community referrals,” said Thibodeaux.

“These funds will start to reverse the harm done to the Black community,” said Gina Fromer, chief executive officer of Children’s Council of San Francisco, a nonprofit that provides services to families and early childhood educators. “When we reinvest in early childhood education, better health outcomes, and systems that support Black children as they grow, the need for policing in our communities will start to go down.” 

Fromer, a sixth generation San Franciscan who grew up in Bayview, said there’s power in the conversations that the Black community is having.  “We’re able to speak our minds about where funding goes and what we need to accomplish. I’ve learned that if I can’t do something, another individual or organization will. Our collective impact of directing where the money goes and evaluating the changes it makes is bigger than the $120 million. The meetings, and our commitment to change, are restructuring, reestablishing, and reenergizing the City’s Black community,” said Fromer. 

The post San Francisco Human Rights Fee Points Grants from Metropolis Reallocation Fund appeared first on Los Gatos News And Events.

By Christopher B. Dolan and Aimee Kirby

This week’s question comes from Sunny.

Dear Mr. Dolan: I am a mother living in San Francisco and I have two children. My son is in seventh grade and my daughter is in high school. Both my husband and I work full time and my husband has to go to his office. My employer has allowed employees to work remotely since the pandemic began. While I appreciate the hard work teachers put into their classes during this pandemic, my two children fall behind and have emotional issues when confined to tiny homes. My son had an IEP (Individualized Education Plan) early on, which then became a 504. (A 504 plan provides services and changes to learning environments to enable disabled students to study with their peers.) My son left the 504. but now his problems have returned and are worse. I am exhausted trying to work, help my children, learn, and keep my sanity. I read recently that we’re going back to full-time teaching in California soon, but I’m not getting a clear picture of our school district. The potential return makes me both excited and nervous. I touch, but I think my question is, what are our rights as parents in our children’s education?

Dear Sunny: I am so sorry to hear that your children are having problems. The 2020-21 school year was a challenging time for parents and working parents. Your question is simple, but quite complicated. We tried to reconcile a pandemic and our children’s education. California has been a hotbed of COVID infection and has endured full home stay orders and modified home stay orders, which often vary between counties. Both private and public schools have applied for a waiver to reopen under state guidelines from the California Department of Health. While exemptions have been granted to private schools, the public school system seems to take longer to receive exemptions, and these students have primarily been out of the way for a year. Workers in our school systems and their unions also need to investigate the fact that educators have not been placed in the first tier of vaccinations. Many classrooms did not meet removal guidelines and schools had no plan for tracking / containing outbreaks. It became impossible to get a student through the different periods of a day without exposing each one several times a day.

The California Constitution has guaranteed children free elementary and secondary education since 1879 under Article IX, Section 5. The article states: “The legislature provides a typical school system according to which a free school is maintained and supported in each district for at least six months in every year after the first year a school was established. “Therefore, your children are eligible for free education that includes computers and materials that must be made available to them under Section 43503 of the California Education Code. But how can you provide adequate training during a global pandemic?

Distance learning, according to State Education Act 43500, means teaching where students and instructors are in different locations and students are under the general supervision of a certified employee of the education agency. Because of the outbreak, schools were forced to move away completely and then try a hybrid approach to special education at times.

Parents are struggling with online courses over time. I’ve heard parents complain that the courses for complicated subjects like math and chemistry were either too much or not adequately supported and understood. Unfortunately, just as the term “distance learning” is new in the Education Code, the mix of distance learning, hybrid learning, and face-to-face teaching is something that we didn’t have an overview of prior to this pandemic. Due to health concerns with COVID, face-to-face tuition was limited as state guidelines could not be followed in most middle and high schools. Primary schools had more freedom as the curriculum was based mainly on a single classroom assignment. Many elementary schools have now opened or are about to open, with districts considering what to do with middle and high school students.

The Code of Education offers free education; However, it does not dictate how a school district manages a program (whether remotely, hybrid, or in person). In-person tuition becomes even more complicated during a pandemic when IEPs and 504 plans are in place. These students require in-person tuition, sometimes with additional accommodation, and often cannot proceed with full online tuition.

Unfortunately, besides free classes, there are very few guides on how to mandate personal education instead of distance learning. We must adhere to the state’s opening guidelines and the recommendations of the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and try to do the best we can to balance the emotional and physical health of our children with the value of being in a classroom be. I hope that life will be brought back to life shortly, albeit in another.

Christopher B. Dolan is the owner of the Dolan, PC law firm. Aimee Kirby, executive attorney for the Torts Practice Group, is based in our Los Angeles office. We serve clients across the San Francisco Bay Area and California from our offices in San Francisco, Oakland and Los Angeles. Send questions and topics for future articles to: help@dolanlawfirm.com. Our work is not a restoration or is also known as contingency based. That means we don’t charge a fee unless we receive money for your damages and injuries.

California coronavirus education

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The post What are dad and mom’ rights concerning youngsters’s training throughout COVID? – The San Francisco Examiner appeared first on Los Gatos News And Events.

NEW YORK (AP) – Major League Baseball announced Friday that this summer’s All-Star game would be relocated from Truist Park in Atlanta. This is in response to Georgia enacted a new law restricting voting rights last month.

MLB had awarded the game to Atlanta in May 2019, and the game was scheduled for July 13th as part of baseball’s midsummer break, which includes the futures game on July 11th and the home run derby the following night.

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Commissioner Rob Manfred made the decision to postpone the All-Star events and the amateur draft, which was to be held in Atlanta for the first time. A new baseball field for this year’s events was not immediately revealed.

MLB’s announcement came eight days after Georgia Governor Brian Kemp signed a major Republican-sponsored revision of the state election that included new restrictions on postal voting and increased legislative control over the conduct of elections.

Manfred made the decision after talking to the Major League Baseball Players Association, individual players, and the Players Alliance, a black player organization founded after George Floyd’s death last year.

“I’ve decided that the best way to demonstrate our values ​​as a sport is to move this year’s All-Star Game and MLB draft,” Manfred said in a statement. “Major League Baseball fundamentally supports the voting rights of all Americans and opposes ballot box restrictions.”

“Fair access to voting continues to be steadfastly supported by our game,” said Manfred.

Other sports have postponed high profile events due to social issues.

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In the early 1990s, the NFL moved the Super Bowl out of Arizona after the state failed to make Martin Luther King Jr. Day an official holiday.

The NBA moved the 2017 All-Star Game out of Charlotte, North Carolina when the league challenged a state law restricting anti-discrimination protection for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people.

For years, the NCAA did not hold championships in states that officially recognized the Confederate flag.

This year’s All-Star Game includes honoring Hank Aaron, the Braves’ Hall of Famer and former career home run champion, who passed away on January 22nd at the age of 86.

“We will continue our plans to celebrate the memory of Hank Aaron during this season’s All-Star Celebrations,” said Manfred. Additionally, MLB’s planned investments to support local communities in Atlanta will continue as part of our All-Star Legacy projects. We are completing a new host city and details of these events will be announced shortly. “

MLB has canceled last year’s All-Star Game, which was scheduled for Dodger Stadium in Los Angeles, due to the late and shortened season due to the novel coronavirus pandemic. The 2022 game will be played at Dodger Stadium.

MLB has awarded Philadelphia the All-Star Game 2026 as part of the celebration of the 250th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

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The 1972 All-Star Game was played at Atlanta-Fulton County Stadium and the 2000 All-Star Game was played at Turner Field in Atlanta.

The post MLB Shifting 2021 All-Star Recreation From Atlanta Over Georgia Legislation Proscribing Voting Rights – CBS San Francisco appeared first on Los Gatos News And Events.